Geert Wilders’ decision to withdraw from the Schoof cabinet has triggered widespread condemnation, leaving him politically isolated and his coalition partners in disarray just weeks before a crucial NATO summit. The move has been described as rash, irresponsible, bizarre, reckless, and even a betrayal, with no one from either the coalition or the opposition offering support.

Even Thierry Baudet, leader of the FvD, considered the PVV leader’s action “extremely disappointing.” This isolation is reminiscent of Wilders’ past political storms, including his split from the VVD in 2004 and the withdrawal of tolerance support for the Rutte I cabinet in 2012.

Despite the fallout, Wilders’ PVV maintains a loyal base of around twenty seats, built on his stance against “mass immigration” and what he perceives as the “downfall of the Netherlands.” It remains to be seen whether he can replicate his record win of 37 seats in 2023, but questions linger about his future viability as a potential leader. No party in The Hague appears willing to collaborate with a leader who collapses his own cabinet over asylum measures.

The CDA, having previously banned Wilders, feels vindicated, with party leader Henri Bontenbal stating, “A populist always ultimately chooses himself.” While Wilders insists on his ambition to become prime minister, the availability of coalition partners remains uncertain.

Following the 2023 election victory, Wilders sought to expand the PVV with experienced individuals like Ronald Plasterk, Ingrid Coenradie, and Dirk Beljaarts. However, the party seems to have stagnated, lacking the administrative preparedness for government responsibility. Many PVV MPs have remained largely silent, with some yet to deliver their maiden speeches. New MPs found themselves without adequate support, and key staff positions remain unfilled despite substantial financial resources.

This lack of support extended to the PVV’s ministerial team, with only one of the nine political assistants having a PVV background. The others were civil servants or members of other parties, hindering the development of a future talent pool. The party’s recruitment efforts have been limited, with only modest participation planned for the 2026 municipal elections.

Wilders’ leadership style remains a key issue. He continues to operate as a soloist, difficult to understand and seemingly distrustful of those around him. Examples include his quick selection and subsequent dismissal of Ronald Plasterk and Gidi Markuszower as prime ministerial and deputy prime ministerial candidates, respectively. The atmosphere within the PVV is described as unpredictable, with confidants suddenly falling out of favor and vice versa, leading to speculation and uncertainty.

Instances such as the unexplained absence of MP Leon de Jong, a deputy faction leader, further highlight the internal dynamics. If Wilders aspires to become prime minister again, attracting experienced ministers will be crucial. The previous government period may not be enticing for external candidates, as inexperienced PVV ministers lacked support and faced criticism from their own party. Minister of Health Agema and Minister of Infrastructure Madlener often faced opposition from within their own party.

Ultimately, Wilders’ will remains law within the PVV. Faction meetings are brief, and consultations are essentially one-way communication. The other coalition parties were often left guessing about the PVV’s internal workings, culminating in the sudden collapse of the Schoof cabinet. Leaders Dilan Yesilgöz, Nicolien van Vroonhoven and Caroline van der Plas were abruptly dismissed, leaving them with shattered illusions and no opportunity for meaningful consultation.